Hacettepe University Graduate School Of Social Sciences Department Of Social Work SYRIAN MARRIED REFUGEE WOMEN EXPERIENCE WITH INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE AND THEIR STRATEGIES DEALING WITH IT Mawahib Khalil M. HASSAN Ph. D. Dissertation Ankara, 2022 SYRIAN MARRIED REFUGEE WOMEN EXPERIENCE WITH INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE AND THEIR STRATEGIES DEALING WITH IT Mawahib Khalil M. HASSAN Hacettepe University Graduate School Of Social Sciences Department of Social Work Ph. D. Dissertation Ankara, 2022 Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu Mevahip Vurgu ACKNOWLEDGMENT Foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Prof. Dr. Özlem Cankuratan, without her close supervision and high support this work wouldn’t be possible. For her patience, motivation, enthusiasm, immense knowledge, and endless support, words cannot be enough. Thank you very much indeed Hocam! My thanks and appreciation are extended to the scientific committee members; Doç. Dr. İlknur Yüksel-Kaptanoğlu and Doç. Dr. Gonca Polat for their encouragement, insightful comments, and input. My sincere thanks also go to the members of the examination board; Doç. Dr. Fulya Akgül Gök and Doç.Dr. Ahu Sumbas for their valuable comments and challenging questions. Thanks to the Presidency of Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) for providing me with a scholarship that brought me to Turkey and facilitated my admission to Hacettepe University. Many thanks to the research community; the Syrian women in Ankara who volunteered to participate in this study and shared their experiences. Their generosity with time and stories was a key factor in the success of my research. I also thank Fatin for facilitating my contact with this community and introducing me to them. In Khartoum, I really appreciate the endless support that I received from my teachers and fellow colleagues in the Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology at the University of Khartoum. This is to all of them but I mention Prof. Dr. Muzoul Assal, my friends and colleagues Hisham Bilal, and Abdullah Onur. In Ankara, the Graduate School of Social Sciences, and the Department of Social Work in Hacettepe University, thanks to everyone there; my professors, fellow colleagues, admin staff, and workers. I also want to extend my thanks to Mr. Cavit Kalanyuva for his unlimited support and patience in accepting my continuous absence from work to fulfill my academic tasks. Finally, I would like to thank my family, my father Khalil, my mother Hawa, and my wonderful brothers and sisters especially my brother Mutasim. For their constant encouragement and endless love, I have nothing to pay back but love. v ABSTRACT Khalil M. HASSAN, Mawahib. Syrian Married Refugee Women Experience with Intimate Partner Violence and Their Strategies Dealing with it. PhD Dissertation. Ankara, 2022. This thesis examines Syrian refugee women’s experiences with intimate partner violence (IPV) and their strategies dealing with intimate partner violence. Intimate partner violence is the most common form of violence against women in the world. It incurs social and economic costs and increases the risk of miscarriage and death in women. To investigate Syrian refugee women’s experience with intimate partner violence, this thesis relies on qualitative research methods, such as in-depth semi-structured interviews with 20 Syrian refugee married women in Ankara, and adopts a feminist approach in the process of data collection. The data were analyzed using the MAXQDA program. The thesis focuses on the experience of Syrian refugee women with intimate partner violence and their strategies to deal with it during 3 periods: the pre-war period, wartime and internal displacement, and the asylum period in Turkey. The findings show that the Syrian patriarchal traditions and customs are the driving force behind the intimate partner violence against Syrian refugee women. The results show that women experienced different forms of intimate partner violence during the three periods: before the war, during wartime and internal displacement, and the asylum in Turkey time. Also, the findings indicate that Syrian refugee women use a variety of strategies to deal with the violence by their husbands. These strategies can be grouped into women’s resources strategies (placating strategy, safety planning strategies, resistance strategies, Strategies to control negative feelings associated with violence) and external resource strategies (formal and informal resources). The findings indicate that the placating strategies are the most used among Syrian refugee women while the formal strategies, such as health care, women’s social and psychological help centers, courts, and police were the least used. Keywords: Intimate Partner Violence, Syrian Women, Refugees, Dealing strategies with IPV, Patriarchal, Gender. vi ÖZET Khalil M. HASSAN, Mawahib. Suriyeli Evli Sığınmacı Kadınların Yakın Partner Şiddeti Deneyimleri ve Buna Karşı Geliştirdikleri Stratejiler, Doktora Tezi, Ankara, 2022. Bu araştırma , Suriyeli sığınmacı kadınların yakın partner şiddetle ilgili deneyimlerini ve stratejilerini incelemektedir. Yakın partner şiddeti, dünyada kadına yönelik şiddetin en yaygın biçimi olup sosyal ve ekonomik maliyetlere neden olmakta ve kadınlarda düşük yapma ve ölüm riskini artırmaktadır. Yöntem, bu araştırma Suriyeli sığınmacı kadınların yakın partner şiddeti deneyimlerini araştırmak için Ankara'da 20 Suriyeli sığınmacı evli kadınla derinlemesine yarı yapılandırılmış görüşmeler şeklinde olmak üzere nitel araştırma yöntemlerine dayanmakta ve veri toplama sürecinde feminist bir yaklaşımı benimsemektedir. Veriler MAXQDA programı kullanılarak analiz edilmiştir. Suriyeli sığınmacı kadınların yakın partner şiddeti maruz kaldıkları 3 dönemdeki deneyimlerine odaklanmaktadır: savaş öncesi dönem, savaş zamanı ve ülke içinde yer değişme ve Türkiye'deki sığınma dönemi. Bulgular, Suriyeli sığınmacı kadınlara yönelik yakın partner şiddetin arkasındaki itici gücün Suriye’deki ataerkil gelenek ve görenekler olduğunu göstermektedir. Sonuçlar, kadınların üç dönem boyunca farklı şekillerde yakın partner şiddeti yaşadıklarını göstermektedir: savaş öncesi, savaş zamanı ve ülke içinde yer değişme ve Türkiye'deki sığınma dönemi. Ayrıca bulgular, Suriyeli sığınmacı kadınların eşlerinin uyguladıkları şiddetle başa çıkmak için çeşitli stratejiler geliştirdiklerini göstermektedir. Bu stratejiler, kadınların kaynak stratejileri (sakinleştirme stratejisi, güvenlik planlama stratejileri, direniş stratejileri, şiddetle bağlantılı olumsuz duyguları kontrol etme stratejileri) ve dış kaynak stratejileri (resmi ve gayri resmi kaynaklar) olarak gruplandırılabilir. Bulgular, Suriyeli mülteci kadınlar arasında sakinleştirme stratejilerinin daha çok, sağlık hizmetleri, kadınlara yönelik sosyal ve psikolojik yardım merkezleri, mahkemeler ve polis gibi resmi stratejilerin ise en az kullanıldığına işaret etmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Yakın Partner Şiddet, Suriyeli Kadınlar, Sığınmacılar, Baş Etme Stratejiler, Ataerkil, Toplumsal Cinsiyet. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACCEPTANCE AND APPROVAL ............................................................................... i YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI.................................. ii ETİK BEYAN ................................................................................................................. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENT ............................................................................................... iv ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... v ÖZET ............................................................................................................................... vi TABLE OF CONTENTS .............................................................................................. vii ABBREVIATION .......................................................................................................... xi TABLES ......................................................................................................................... xii FIGURES ...................................................................................................................... xiii INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1. LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ......................................................................................................................................... ..5 1.1. PROBLEM STATEMENT ................................................................................. 5 1.2. OBJECTIVES ...................................................................................................... 8 1.3. IMPORTANCE OF THE STUDY ..................................................................... 8 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ......................................................................................................................................... 10 2.1. FORMS OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE ........................................ 10 2.1.1. Physical Violence ......................................................................................... 10 2.1.2. Sexual Violence ............................................................................................ 11 2.1.3. Psychological Violence................................................................................. 11 2.2. EFFECTS OF VIOLENCE BY AN INTIMATE PARTNER ON WOMEN12 2.3. STRATEGIES FOR DEALING WITH INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE ................................................................................................................... 14 2.4. PREVALENCE OF VIOLENCE BY AN INTIMATE PARTNER .............. 21 2.5. INTERGENERATIONAL TRANSMISSION OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE ................................................................................................................... 29 2.6. UNDERSTANDING INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE PATRIARCHAL SYSTEM ............................................. 31 2.7. GENDER AND INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE ................................... 35 2.7.1. Definition of Gender ..................................................................................... 35 2.7.2. Changing Gender Roles during Conflict and Their Relationship to Increased Intimate Partner Violence ........................................................................................... 38 2.8. THEORIES EXPLAINING INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE .............. 40 2.8.1. Feminist Theory ............................................................................................ 40 2.8.1.1. The Radical Feminist Socio-Cultural Theory ........................................... 42 viii 2.8.1.2. Postmodern Feminist Theory .................................................................... 42 2.8.1.3. Intersectional Feminism ............................................................................ 43 2.8.2. Feminist Social Work ................................................................................... 43 2.9. SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE AND INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE 47 2.10. SYRIAN POPULATION DISTRIBUTION BY GENDER, ETHNIC GROUPS, AGE, AND MARITAL STATUS .............................................................. 50 2.11. THE CONDITIONS OF WOMEN IN SYRIA BEFORE THE WAR .......... 52 2.11.1. The Position of Women in the Personal Affairs Law and the Syrian Criminal Law 52 2.11.2. Syrian Women's Participation in Political Life ............................................ 56 CHAPTER 3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ........................................................ 59 3.1. RESEARCH METHOD .................................................................................... 59 3.2. QUALITATIVE RESEARCH AND FEMINIST RESEARCH .................... 59 3.3. THE TOPIC OF THE STUDY ......................................................................... 61 3.4. DATA COLLECTION PROCESS ................................................................... 65 3.5. RESPONDENTS ................................................................................................ 67 3.5.1. The Characteristics of the Respondents ........................................................ 68 3.6. CONDUCTING INTERVIEWS ....................................................................... 71 3.6.1. Building Trust between the Researcher and the Respondent ....................... 71 3.6.2. Introducing the Topic of Research and its Ethical Aspects .......................... 72 3.6.3. Asking Questions .......................................................................................... 73 3.6.4. Ending the Interview ..................................................................................... 75 3.7. DATA ANALYSIS ............................................................................................. 77 3.7.1. Data Analysis Stages .................................................................................... 79 3.7.1.1. Familiarizing Yourself with Your Data .................................................... 80 3.7.1.2. Generating Initial Codes ........................................................................... 81 3.7.1.3. Searching for Themes ............................................................................... 82 3.7.1.4. Reviewing Themes .................................................................................... 82 3.7.1.5. Defining and Naming Themes .................................................................. 82 3.7.1.6. Producing the Report................................................................................. 83 3.8. THE ETHICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE RESEARCH .............................. 83 3.9. THE REFLECTION OF THE RESEARCH TOPIC ON THE LIFE OF THE RESEARCHER ................................................................................................... 87 3.10. DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED DURING THE STUDY ........................ 87 CHAPTER 4. DATA ANALYSIS ................................................................................ 89 4.1. SOCIAL FACTORS THAT ENCOURAGE A CONDUCTIVE ENVIRONMENT TO INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE ................................... 89 4.1.1. Marriage and Engagement Customs ............................................................. 90 4.1.2. Early Marriage .............................................................................................. 95 4.1.3. The Custom of Verifying the Girl’s Virginity on the First Night of Marriage ..................................................................................................................... 97 4.1.4. Living With the Husband's Extended Family ............................................. 103 ix 4.1.4.1. Lack of Privacy, Interference by the Husband’s Family in the Woman’s Marital life, and Incitement to Violence Against the Wife .................................... 106 4.1.4.2. Doing Housework and Serving Family Members ................................... 108 4.1.4.3. Physical and Psychological Violence and the Violent Behavior of the In- Laws 109 4.2. FORMS OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE DURING PRE-POST WAR AND BEING A REFUGEE IN TURKEY ...................................................... 116 4.2.1. Forms of Intimate Partner Violence during the pre-war period.................. 116 4.2.1.1. Sexual Violence ...................................................................................... 117 4.2.1.2. Physical Violence .................................................................................... 121 4.2.1.3. Psychological Violence and Controlling Behavior ................................. 125 4.2.1.4. Economic Violence ................................................................................. 129 4.2.2. Forms of Intimate Partner Violence After the Beginning of the War and During the Displacement .......................................................................................... 129 4.2.3. Forms of Intimate Partner Violence after Being Refugees in Turkey ........ 130 4.3. STRATEGIES FOR DEALING WITH AN INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE ................................................................................................................. 136 4.3.1. Strategies that Depend on Women's Resources .......................................... 137 4.3.1.1. Placating Strategies ................................................................................. 137 4.3.1.2. Safety Planning Strategies ...................................................................... 145 4.3.1.3. Resistance Strategies ............................................................................... 147 4.3.1.4. Strategies to Control Negative Feelings Associated with Violence........ 150 4.3.2. Strategies that Depend on External Resources (support) ............................ 152 4.3.2.1. Strategies that Depend on Informal Resources ....................................... 152 4.3.2.2. Strategies that depend on official sources of support.............................. 156 4.3.2.2.1 Societal Factors .................................................................................. 157 4.3.2.2.2 Factors Related to the Nature of Violence ......................................... 159 4.3.2.2.3 Factors Related to Women's Perceptions of Services Provided to Survivors of Violence in Turkey ........................................................................ 160 4.3.2.2.4 Factors Related to Women's Perceptions ........................................... 161 4.3.2.2.5 Factors related to Immigration and Asylum Conditions .................... 161 4.4. FACTORS AFFECTING THE CHOICE OF STRATEGIES .................... 162 4.4.1. Age .............................................................................................................. 162 4.4.2. The Nature of Violence............................................................................... 163 4.4.3. Previous Experiences with Violence .......................................................... 163 4.4.4. Asylum to Turkey and Changing the Use of Strategies .............................. 164 4.4.5. The Presence of Children and their Role in Women's Confrontation of Violence .................................................................................................................... 165 4.5. PERCEPTIONS OF WOMEN ABOUT GENDER ROLES ....................... 165 4.5.1. Why Do Women Tolerate Intimate Partner Violence ................................ 172 4.5.1.1. Watching Violence Between Parents ...................................................... 173 4.5.1.2. Socialization Based on Gender Inequality .............................................. 175 4.5.1.3. The Form of Violence That Women are Subjected to ............................ 175 4.5.1.4. Women's Lack of Knowledge of Their Rights and Lack of Different Marital Experiences ............................................................................................... 175 x 4.6. SYRIAN REFUGEE WOMEN’S PERCEPTIONS TOWARDS VIOLENCE: DEFINITION OF AN INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE AND RECOMMENDATIONS TO STOP THE VIOLENCE .......................................... 177 4.6.1. Women’s Definitions of Intimate Partner Violence and Evaluation of The Relationship with Their Husbands ........................................................................... 177 4.6.2. Women’s Recommendations to Prevent or Stop the Intimate Partner Violence .................................................................................................................... 182 4.6.2.1. Recommendations for Using Strategies to Deal with Violence .............. 182 4.6.2.2. Benefit from the Services of the Legal and Social System in the Country……. ......................................................................................................... 184 4.6.2.3. Recommendations to Change the Criminal Justice System and The Social System of The State ............................................................................................... 184 4.6.2.4. Recommendations to end Violence and Leave the Abusive Relationship….. ..................................................................................................... 185 CHAPTER 5. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........................... 187 5.1. CONCLUSIONS .............................................................................................. 187 FİGURE 5.6. SYRIAN REFUGEES WOMEN PERCEPTION TOWARD IPV . 190 5.2. THE STUDY RECOMMENDATIONS ......................................................... 212 5.2.1. Recommendations for Stakeholders and Policy Makers ............................ 213 5.2.1.1. Civil Society Organizations Working With Syrian Refugees ................. 213 5.2.1.2. Social Work Institutions and Social Workers ......................................... 216 5.2.2. Recommendations for the Academic Community ...................................... 220 5.2.3. Recommendations Directed Directly to Assisting Women ........................ 220 5.3. RESEARCH CONTRIBUTION ..................................................................... 221 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................ 222 APPENDIX 1: ORIGINALITY REPORT ............................................................... 231 APPENDIX 2: ETHICS BOARD PERMISSION .................................................... 232 APPENDIX 3: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW ............................................. 233 APPENDIX 4: VOLUNTARY PARTICIPATION FORM .................................... 237 APPENDIX 5: IDENTIFICATION OF THE PARTICIPANTS ........................... 238 xi ABBREVIATION IPV: Intimate Partner Violence WHO: World Health Organization CDC: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention CEDAW: Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women ESCWA: Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia UNFPA: The United Nations Population Fund UNHCR: The UN Refugee Agency UNICEF: The United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund UNIFEM: United Nations Development Fund for Women xii TABLES Table 2.1 Distribution of Syrian Population by Age and Gender ............................................... 50 Table 2.2 Distribution of Individuals (15 years and over) by Marital Status and Gender of Syrian Households ...................................................................................................................... 51 Table 2.3 Distribution of Syrian Women (15-49) who are married or previously married by age group and Educational Background ............................................................................................ 51 Tablet 3.1 The Demographics of the Respondents ..................................................................... 69 xiii FIGURES Figure 5.1 Women’s Experiences with IPV during Period of Pre-war ..................................... 188 Figure 5.2. Women’s Experiences with IPV during Period of Post-War ................................. 188 Figure 5.3. Women’s Experiences with IPV after Asylum to Turkey ...................................... 189 Figure 5.4. Strategies for Dealing with an Intimate Partner Violence ...................................... 189 Figure 5.5. Perception of Women About Gender Role ............................................................. 190 Figure 5.6. Syrian Refugees Women Perception toward IPV ................................................... 190 1 INTRODUCTION Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011, the number of Syrian refugees became the highest in the world. By the beginning of 2015, about 13.5 million Syrians were in need of humanitarian assistance, of which about 6.6 million were displaced and some 4.2 million were in hard-to-reach areas. The total number of people who have fled the country is 4.6 million and this number is on the rise. There are 5 million women of childbearing age, of whom about 430,000 are pregnant women (UNFPA, 2016). An estimated 13.4 million Syrians have fled their homes since the outbreak of the civil war in March 2011. Now, in the eleven years of the war, approximately 1.5 million Syrians were registered by UNHCR in Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, 3.6 million Syrians were registered by the Government of Turkey (UNHCR ,2021). Meanwhile, about one million have requested asylum in Europe (Freedman, 2016). There are increasing numbers of women and children amongst the refugees (Alsaba and Kapilashrami, 2016). According to the UNHCR (2021), 13.4 million people in Syria are in need of humanitarian assistance. In the World Report of Human Rights Watch, 2021, it was mentioned that 9.3 million of the Syrians suffer from food insecurity, and more than 80% live below the poverty line. 6.7 million of the Syrians are internally displaced in Syria (Human Right Watch, 2021, p. 639). In addition to the 6.6 million Syrians living in neighboring countries, Syrian refugees are likely to flee to neighboring countries that are closest in terms of location to Syria, such as Lebanon, Turkey, Jordan, Iraq and other countries. Turkey is considered the most welcoming country for Syrian refugees as a result of the "open door" policy followed with Syrian refugees. According to the statistics of the Turkish Ministry of the Interior and the General Directorate of Migration on 07.04.2022, the number of Syrian refugees living under the umbrella of "Temporary Protection" is 3,761,26, Istanbul comes first in terms of the number of Syrian refugees living in it: 540,618, the number of refugees living in Ankara is 100.651 (Directorate General of Migration Management, 2022). The percentage of women and children among the refugees is 70.7%. (Refugees Association, 2022) 2 When people are forced to flee their countries, due to lack of safety for political, religious, or ethnic reasons, the international community becomes responsible for protecting them from exposure to violence. Therefore, the international community is urged to have laws and agreements that guarantee the appropriate treatment of refugees and the protection of human rights. As a result, the process of developing a set of laws, conventions, and guidelines for refugee protection began at the beginning of the twentieth century. In July 1951, the United Nations General Assembly approved the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, which was subsequently amended by the 1967 protocol. The protocol removed the time and place limits included in the 1951 Convention, which did not allow the request for asylum as a result of events that occurred before January 1, 1951. The Convention defines what is meant by “refugee” and his rights. These include the right to freedom of belief, movement from one place to another, the right to education, the right to obtain travel documents, and the right to work. The agreement also defines the obligations of the country towards the host country. Under the Refugee Convention, countries hosting refugees must protect them and ensure the enjoyment of their basic rights. The convention also obliges states not to force refugees to return to their countries or countries where their lives are at risk. If we look at the situation of Syrian refugees in Turkey, between the years 2011 to 2014, Syrian refugees were seen as “guests” or “recipients of assistance” as a result of the situation this reinforced the hierarchical relationship between refugees and helpers (Özden, Ramadan, 2019). In October 2014, the “Temporary Protection” regulation, Article 91, within the Law on Foreigners and International Protection was signed. According to the regulation, Syrian refugees are dealt with under the name "conditional refugee", a term that was entered for the first time in that list besides the term "refugee". This term was introduced in keeping with Turkey's reservations to accept only refugees who came from Europe as "refugees". The regulation did not specify the period for temporary protection, but it limited the provision of services to the “conditional refugee” within the limits of possibility (Erdogan, 2014). Under temporary protection, Syrian refugees are entitled to health, education, social assistance, psychological support services, and access to the labor market. Women who are subjected to gender- based violence, including sexual violence, torture, physical, and psychological violence, 3 have the right to apply to women's protection shelters and benefit from the services provided. Despite the rights included in the "Temporary Protection Regulation" for Syrian refugees, some of them face difficulties in obtaining these services. This was pointed out by Özden and Ramadan (2019) that complicated bureaucratic procedures created difficulties for Syrian women in accessing education, health, and employment services provided to them (Özden and Ramadan 2019, p. 35-38). During wartime, everyone is affected by a different type of violence but women are the most vulnerable to any form of violence (Holt, 2013), due to a lack of social protection and lack of safe access to services. There is widespread recognition that gender-based violence against women and girl’s increases during the conflict, including domestic violence, sexual violence and sexual exploitation, and child marriage (UNFPA, 2016). Women face violence both outside and inside their homes as societal order breaks down (El-Jack, 2003). A growing body of literature has highlighted the link between women’s exposure to violence by armed groups and their experiences with domestic violence in their own homes perpetrated by an intimate partner, spouse, or other direct family members (Usta et al, 2016). Reports from the Human Rights Watch noted increased levels of domestic violence during the second Intifada in the West Bank and Gaza (Human Rights Watch, 2006), and extensive domestic violence against refugee women in Tanzania (Human Rights Watch, 2000) and Nepal (Human Rights Watch, 2003). The war in Sri Lank was linked to the increase in intimate partner violence against women (Guruge et al, 2017). Violence by an intimate partner has increased among Syrian refugees, with 1 in 8 of the refugees being subjected to violence by their husbands (Freedman, 2016; A-Modallal, 2012; WHO,2017). There are many forms of intimate partner violence as emotional violence in the forms of insulting, underestimation, physical violence in the forms of beating, economic violence e.g. limited access to financial resources (Essaid et al, 2015), and sexual violence as women are forced to have sex and other forms of sexual oppression (WHO, 2002). Intimate partner violence is not a new phenomenon in Syrian society, Buts the proportion of violence that women were exposed to is increased during the war (UNFPA, 2016). Syrian society is one of the Middle East societies where the phenomenon is prevalent in a high proportion. The study of Boy (2008), which was an 4 evaluative study for 59 complete reviews of past and present research on intimate partner violence in the Middle East and North Africa found that spousal abuse is pervasive and widely accepted. Women who exposed to intimate partner violence are of all ages and are more likely to be rural and less educated, for example, national data from Egypt and Jordan indicates that almost 9 in 10 ever-married women accept at least one reason for wife-beating (Boy, 2008). Therefore major concern regarding intimate partner violence in the Middle East and North Africa region is the attitude of men and women regarding intimate partner violence. Almost women and men in this region justify wife-beating and hold women partially responsible for the abuse they suffer. Cultural codes, religious practices, and economic and political conditions come to prove that violence has long been accepted as something that happens to women. And in the other hand in societies with a patriarchal power structure, women are often not able to protect themselves from intimate partner violence. 5 CHAPTER 1. LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 1.1. PROBLEM STATEMENT Intimate partner violence is one of the forms of violence against women that causes health and social problems in a woman's life. Intimate partner violence is a form of social control created in the social context by hierarchical systems of power and oppression within the race, gender, and sexual orientation. Each system may operate independently or can intertwine, creating an IPV intersectional. Thus, the dynamics of each system may exacerbate the consequences of a system (Bograd M, 1999). Global estimates published by WHO (2018), indicate that about 1 in 3 (35%) of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence in their lifetime. Worldwide, almost one-third (30%) of women who have been in a relationship report that they have experienced some form of physical and/or sexual violence by their intimate partner in their lifetime. Globally, as many as 38% of murders of women are committed by a male intimate partner. In the WHO multi-country study, 19–51% of women who had ever been physically abused by their partners had left home for at least one night, and 8–21% had left two to five-time (Claudia García-Moreno et al, 2005). In general, women are much more likely than men to be murdered by their partners or ex-partners. For example, the (2009/2010) British Crime Survey found that 54 percent of female homicide victims aged 16 or over had been killed by their partner, ex-partner, or lover, while this was the case for only 5 percent of male victims (Laing et al, 2013). Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a serious social problem affecting the health, mental health, and welfare of women (Theresa et al, 2013). There are many definitions of violence by an intimate partner. All these definitions agree on one point: that violent behavior harms the partner physically, sexually, and emotionally. Intimate partners include (partner or ex-partner, boyfriends or girlfriends, dating partners, or sexual partners). IPV can occur between heterosexual or same-sex couples and does not require sexual intimacy (CDC,2015). In this study 6 intimate partner violence refer to any violent behavior from husband to wife among Syrian refugee women. The intimate partner of the general phenomena spread in most countries of the world to varying degrees, but in the Middle East, the issue of IPV has become a serious problem due to its high reported prevalence rates (Al-Modallal 2015). Syria is one of those countries in which violence rates toward women are spread by an intimate partner. The violence rates specifically increased after the outbreak of the war in 2011 (Freedman, 2016 ; A-Modallal, 2012 ; WHO, 2017, Charles & Denman, 2013; Anani, 2013 ; Masri et al, 2013). Women are subjected to violence from all members of society, but it becomes more difficult when a woman is subjected to violence by her intimate partner. Out of women reporting regular victimization of physical abuse in Aleppo-Syria, nearly 92% reported being physically victimized by their husband, currently married women were almost three times more likely to be abused compared with the unmarried ones (Maziak and Asfar, 2003). Intimate partner violence is not a new phenomenon in Syrian society since the society is based on the patriarchal system. In 2006, a survey was conducted by the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) in cooperation with the Syrian Commission For Family Affairs and Population, According to the study One of three women was exposed to violence within their family, 10-25% of women in Syria were exposed to physical violence by their husband (Zaman Alwsl Net, 2010). Some social factors have contributed to the perpetuation of violence against women so that it has become socially acceptable. The first of these factors is the system of social values which recognizes the inferiority of women or that women are human beings who need to be cared for and protected. What is more dangerous is the lack of recognition by society of the existence of violence by the intimate partner. Women also tend to hide violence from their partner as it is considered a domestic issue and should not be discussed with Strangers (Essaid et al, 2015). Most women see violence from their husbands as a natural phenomenon for husbands as a result of their difficult economic conditions. The Lack of education and awareness of their rights contributes to increased violence against them. Furthermore, women and girls were often reluctant to tell anyone about the violence for fear of being blamed for causing the violence or other consequences such as inciting further violence, 7 being divorced, and not being able to see their children, among others (Al-Shdayfat and Hatamleh, 2017). Since women do not prefer to talk about violence or seek help from strangers, they are not always helpless in the face of the abusive behavior of the husband, but rather they develop many strategies to deal with that violence. These strategies, which are used to deal with intimate partner violence, have the main objective, as Wood et al (2019) point out, to reduce the harm caused by violence and also to try to control the situation (Wood et al, 2019). Because women's experiences with violence are not the same and differ according to the intersecting social variables social status, educational level, economic level, gender, this difference is reflected in the use of strategies to deal with intimate partner violence (Goodman et al , 2009 ; Zakar et al, 2012 ; Makongoza and Nduna, 2017; Schaefer et al, 2019). For example, the study by Al-Natour et al (2018) found that Syrian women used various strategies to calm their husbands and protect themselves and their children from intimate partner violence, and the study found that the strategies followed by women are: talking to others, silence for fear of increased violence, using cigarettes, Crying, reading the Qur’an, seeking forgiveness. The results of the study indicated that these methods that women used were more beneficial in controlling violence and the negative feelings associated with it (Al- Natour et al, 2018). The above-mentioned reasons highlight, the importance to study the experience of Syrian refugee women who are subjected to intimate partner violence and what strategies they use to deal with this violence. The study also focuses on investigating the strategies used by the Syrian women before the war and strategies they developed after asylum in Turkey. In other words, how did the transition to the new society change women's strategies in dealing with intimate partner violence. After briefly discussing the types, prevalence, and causes of IPV, they focused on women's ways of dealing with violence, the importance of this is to provide opportunities for women who are subjected to IPV to tell about the violence and also provide an opportunity to determine their needs and how to help them. This study is based on feminist theories to evaluate the experience of women with intimate partner violence. 8 1.2. OBJECTIVES This study aims to examine the experiences of Syrian refugee married women with IPV and investigates the strategies that have been used by Syrian women to stop, escape or prevent IPV in three periods time: pre-post war period and after asylum in Turkey. The aim of the study is expressed with the following questions; What are the experiences of Syrian refugee women with intimate partner violence pre- post war period? What are their strategies to deal with intimate partner violence pre-post war? What are women's attitudes towards intimate partner violence and gender roles? What are the women's recommendations to prevent stopping and eliminate intimate partner violence? 1.3. IMPORTANCE OF THE STUDY During the war, women are more affected by violence than in normal circumstances. Women in Syria during the war were subjected to many forms of gender-based violence (physical, sexual and psychological violence). Even after fleeing from war, they continue to face gender-based violence by society whether it is violence during their journey to seek asylum or to find a safe place for them, or during their stay in the country of asylum (Essaid et al, 2015). But when a refugee woman is subjected to violence from her intimate partner, it is shocking for her, because she considers her husband to be her only source of safety in the country of asylum. This has psychological and social effects on women. However, despite the negative effects of violence on women, they do not want to be disclosed because of the range of considerations mentioned previously. Therefore, the contribution of the study comes from its effort to investigate Syrian refugee women's experience with IPV and provide them with a safe environment to express their experience with the researcher. Despite the large number of studies about IPV, however, the researcher observed a shortage on the point out strategies to deal with IPV among Syrian refugee women. Therefore, the study is an 9 attempt to fill the gap in these studies. In addition to that, the study is a theoretical framework from the perspective of feminist theory which considers women's experiences as a start point for research, therefore, the study will give them an opportunity to express their experiences and determine their needs. The study also can be used in future studies to improve the approach to empowering Syrian refugee women to face violence. And it would prepare the new research areas in this field. 10 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK In this chapter, previous literature about intimate partners will be reviewed with a focus on understanding theories that interpret this phenomenon and used ıt as a theoretical framework. Also, we will address the status of women in Syria in terms of laws, and the social and economic situation before the beginning of the war. In the end part of this chapter, we will discuss the roles of social work institutions in Turkey regarding women in terms of awareness of violence by an intimate partner and know what programs are submitted to help and protect women who are subjected to violence or are at risk of violence by an intimate partner. 2.1. FORMS OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE Any behavior that includes physical, psychological, or sexual harm in the context of the marital relationship is referred to as violence by the intimate partner, and if the violation is repeated in the same relationship, this phenomenon is often called "Battering" (World Health Organization, 2002: 89). Intimate partner violence includes several forms. These forms are as follows: 2.1.1. Physical Violence The World Health Organization study (2005) divided physical violence based on the degree of physical injury into: 1. Severe Physical Violence: this includes (kicking, hitting that leads to deep wounds, suffocation, burning, threatening, or hitting with a weapon) 2. Moderate Physical Violence (slapping, pulling hair) 11 2.1.2. Sexual Violence According to the World Health Organization (2005), sexual violence includes the following actions: • Forcibly sexual relation. • A woman's acceptance of sex, fearing what her husband might do if she refused. • A partner forcing his wife to do something that she thinks is offensive to her. 2.1.3. Psychological Violence Psychological violence includes the following: Humiliation and making a woman feel bad about herself Belittling women in front of others Threatening to harm her or any of her relatives Intentional intimidation (such as yelling at her, smashing things) The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights study (2014), divided violence into four main categories, including: 1. Controlling Behavior: this type of psychological violence includes controlling seeing her family and friends, preventing her from visiting her family, insisting on knowing her whereabouts, feeling angry when talking to another man, and constantly accusing the woman of cheating. 2. Economical Violence: preventing the partner from working or causing them to give up work, preventing them from making financial decisions related to their home, or preventing them from shopping alone. 3. Offensive Behavior: belittling, insulting, and humiliation in public and private places, threatening by violence or harming another person of interest to the woman, 12 confinement at home and preventing her from leaving, forcing her to watch pornographic materials against her will and making her feel offended. 4. Extortion by Abusing Children: this category includes threats to take their children away and deprivation from them, or threats to harm their children. İntimate partner violence in its various forms reflects a pattern and not a single incident. These forms range from physical and psychological violence to sexual violence. Slapping is one of the most common physical acts of violence, along with other types such as pushing, pushing hard, and threatening with weapons. These forms of physical violence are usually associated with psychological violence such as insulting the partner or belittling the partner. 2.2. EFFECTS OF VIOLENCE BY AN INTIMATE PARTNER ON WOMEN Partner violence incurs huge social and economic costs that have many impacts on women and society. It affects women's participation in the labor market and their political and civic activities. This violence also has an impact on the demographic characteristics of society due to high morbidity and mortality rates. Partner violence increases the risk of miscarriage and is a cause of death in women. Intimate partner violence is one of the most common forms of violence against women and an important cause of illness and death. Living in a relationship dominated by violence and tension between partners affects a woman's sense of self-esteem and ability to participate in society. Studies have shown that battered women suffer from a lack of access to information and services about violence and their lack of participation in public life and a lack of emotional support from friends and family. Thus, violence has both health, social and economic effects on women. The effect of violence sometimes extends to children and society as a whole. According to the World Health Organization study (2005), it was found that there is a relationship between exposure to violence by an intimate partner and mental and physical health, as more than 20% of the women participating in the study reported exposure to physical injuries such as cuts, fractures, bruises, and serious injuries to the eyes and ears as a 13 result of physical violence by their partners. Most women who had experienced physical or sexual violence, or both, were more likely to have trouble sleeping, walking problems, participating in social activities, experiencing pain, memory loss, dizziness, and increased vaginal secretions during the 4 weeks preceding the study. The study also found that physical violence by a partner affects a woman's reproductive health. Between 23% and 49% of those who were abused reported that they were punched or kicked in the stomach during pregnancy, and these women are more likely to have a miscarriage. The study also found that women who are subjected to sexual violence are the most vulnerable to contracting sexually transmitted diseases. In the same direction, the results of a study by Mosleh et al (2015) in Egypt found that 25% of women experienced physical violence in the form of slapping, kicking in the stomach, or hitting by their husbands during pregnancy repeatedly or permanently. This study showed that these women are three times more likely to experience depression, postpartum depression, and anxiety than women who were not subjected to violence during pregnancy. The study by Karakut et al (2014) showed that 42% of the women participating in the study reported suicidal attempts and 34% reported their regular use of mental health drugs. For refugee women, violence by an intimate partner constitutes an additional burden to the problems they suffered during the war or during the period of asylum, which is considered a public health issue among refugees. In a study by Feseha et al (2012) with 422 refugee women in Shimelba refugee camp, northern Ethiopia, it was found that 78% of women experienced physical violence from their husbands, at least once throughout their marriage. One in four women was subjected to physical violence that was beating, kicking, throwing something at her, and slapping during the 12 months preceding the study. The study showed that intimate partner violence contributed to the deterioration of women's health. Where 63% of women suffered from difficulty in practicing activities of daily life, 23.5% from pain, and 2.5% from damage to the ear as a result of spanking. The study also found that 30.4% of pregnant women were subjected to physical violence during the 12 months preceding the study. Along the same line, the study of Usta et al (2016), which is a qualitative study with 22 Syrian women, aimed to know the experiences of Syrian refugee women living in Lebanon with domestic violence and gender-based sexual violence by society. In the focus group 14 interviews that were conducted, women reported that their husbands often release the pressures they are exposed to by hitting or beating them. One of the women admitted that she suffers neck pain due to the beatings she was exposed to by her husband. The effects of violence are not limited to the woman herself, but it affects children, as it deprives them of the right to live in a safe and stable environment, that is, a normal life, necessary for their development. Exposure to marital violence at home may greatly affect children's behaviors, and thus can be the cause of problems in social relationships, empathy with others, feeling of loneliness, lack of self-confidence, drug abuse, and they fall into other problems such as minors’ pregnancy, and offensive or aggressive behavior. Marital violence also pushes children to consider violent communication methods as a tool to impose control. Studies have shown that children who witness violent incidents in the home are more likely to engage in similar behaviors when they grow up or suffer violence themselves. 2.3. STRATEGIES FOR DEALING WITH INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE Intimate partner violence is one of the social problems that affect the lives of women all over the world (WHO, 2005). Several studies have indicated the different types of strategies that women use to deal with intimate partner violence, for example, the study of Goodman et al (2003), which developed a theoretical framework for strategies called “The Intimate Partner Violence Strategies Index", and also the study of Riddell et al (2009), used the index to analyze the results of the study sample of 43 rural Canadian women who had left an abusive relationship with their husbands. And other study is the study of Chadambuka (2020), Sere et al (2021), St. Vil, et al (2017), Mahapatro and Singh (2019). For the Middle East, especially among refugee women, the researcher found two studies, one of that a study by Al-Natour et al (2018), Shdayfat and Hatamleh et al (2017), Among Syrian refugees in Jordan, and a study by Usta et al (2008) study in Lebanon. 15 Strategies for facing social problems are defined as the cognitive and behavioral efforts of the individual to confront a specific event that constitutes a source of disturbance in the individual's life and affects their lives. Women who are subjected to domestic violence use many strategies to stop, prevent, or flee from violence. Starting with her attempts to argue with her husband/intimate partner, quarreling, seeking help from women's help centers, or contacting the police (Goodman et al, 2003). The choice of women for strategies to confront violence depends on many factors, including those related to the nature of violence or the severity of violence to which women are subjected. As found in the World Health Organization study (2005), women who face severe physical violence are the ones who mostly use strategies for seeking help from family and friends, women's help centers, or the police. While women are exposed to sexual or psychological violence, rarely turn to seek help. Also, among the factors that affect women's use of strategies are the values and social norms of society. We find that in societies that sanctify the family and its social construction, women tend to tolerate violence, and sometimes they come to accept it and perceive it as a normal thing to preserve family unity. In their study Cankurtaran and Albayrak (2019), indicated that throughout their marriage, Syrian women, are subjected to physical, sexual, economic, and psychological violence, but society's values prohibit women from disclosing this to preserve the sanctity of the family. Among the factors that affect the choice of strategies are women's economic and social resources. Women with low incomes or those who depend on their husbands for their income find it difficult to face violence. A woman's social resources are formed in supporting her family and friends in facing violence, and the less they support her, the less she resists violence. The interpretation and understanding of violence by an intimate partner differ among women according to the societies to which they belong. This difference is reflected in the way violence is dealt with. Among the determinants of these differences are the social, political, and religious systems as well as the status of women in the society. For example, in patriarchal system in which there is inequality in rights and duties between women and men, where women often accept violence by an intimate partner as a natural matter and consider the man’s control over them as his natural role in controlling the family, and as such, she must submit to her husband. Women in such societies don’t use any strategy to resist violence. 16 Goodman et al (2003) attempted to classify the strategies women use to deal with intimate partner violence by designing an index named (The intimate partner violence strategies index). According to this index, the strategies are divided into six main categories: 1. Placating Strategies 2. Resistance Strategies 3. Safety Planning Strategies 4. Formal Network Strategies 5. Informal Network Strategies 6. Legal Strategies Placating strategies: include strategies aimed at calming the behavior of the predator without challenging him and or possibly reinforcing his control. The use of these strategies does not change the balance of power in the relationship. These strategies are used in the private sphere without the need to seek support from outside. These strategies include among others: “Avoid doing anything that might lead to violence from the predator, avoiding confrontations, disagreements, arguing, and not crying during violence” (Goodman et al , 2003, p. 184). Riddell et al (2009) found that women use this strategy to preserve their lives and in order not be exposed to violence and they use this strategy by keeping the house always clean, taking care of their selves and their children, acting with caution and care with their husbands, meeting all their spouses’ needs, and avoid confrontation. However, some of the women participating in the study reported experiencing violence despite using these strategies. Resistance strategies: This category includes strategies aimed at changing the behavior of the predator and possibly balancing power in the relationship by challenging his sense of control. These strategies are also used in the private sphere without seeking help from outside. These strategies include physical and verbal resistance, the use of a sharp device as a weapon, termination of the relationship, non-compliance with the 17 orders, leaving home, and sleeping separately (Goodman et al, 2003, p. 184). These strategies have no benefit in stopping or preventing violence, rather they may exacerbate the intensity of violence. The study of Riddell et al (2009) showed that the efforts of women who resisted physical violence, such as hitting their spouses with a cup or threatening them with a sharp object, were not effective, rather they sometimes increase the violence. Safety Planning Strategies: these strategies aim to ensure an increase in resources or options that may prevent violence or prevent potential violence that may occur according to Goodman et al (2003) these strategies includes the following: • Hide the car or home keys • Hide money and other valuables • Draw an escape plan • Hide or conceal sharp weapons • Keep important phone numbers in a safe and accessible place for use at risk and in an emergency. According to Riddell et al (2009), women identified comprehensive safety planning strategies such as storing food, hiding money or opening secret bank accounts, keeping copies of important documents, and even gaining weight to reduce the effect of violence. They stated that these strategies were among the most helpful in dealing with violence. Goodman et al (2003) also indicated the same results. Official Network Strategies: This category includes strategies aimed at increasing resources and options to stop the violence or escape or prevent it by making use of external resources ranging from women’s support centers, hospitals, or seeking help from clerics, tribal leaders, and sheiks. These strategies are represented in the following form (Goodman et al, 2003): • Trying to get help from the clergy • Trying to get help from her boss or colleagues 18 • Talking about abuse to a doctor or nurse • Seek psychological assistance • Facilitating counseling to the predator • Resorting to women's shelters • Talking to someone on a domestic violence program or hotline Studies have indicated that these strategies are not used by all women, so their use is limited, and this is due to several factors indicated by the study of Riddell et al (2009) and the World Health Organization study (2005). Studies showed that a woman may find it difficult to access these services due to a lack of awareness or fear of not getting sympathy from people in such official institutions. Hacettepe University, İnstitute of Population Studies (2015) found that 89% of women in Turkey who have been subjected to physical or sexual violence by their husbands have not sought help from any official agency such as the police, family court, the women's protection houses, helpline 183, violence prevention and control centers, women's organizations, hospital or municipality (Hacettepe University, İnstitute of population studies 2015, p. 126). Informal Network Strategies: These strategies include family, friends, and neighbors. However, sometimes they might not be unhelpful, because the family may blame the woman for being the trigger for violence by not obeying her husband, not meeting the requirements of the home, or not fully doing her role as a mother. These strategies include: • Talking to family or friends about what she might do to protect herself and her children • Stay for a while with friends or family to escape violence • Make sure there are other people around • Sending children to family or friends to protect them from violence Legal Strategies: These strategies aim to change the behavior of the predator by making use of an external factor, which is law, and these strategies include: 19 • Contact the police • Filing a lawsuit in court • Seek help from legal professionals Regarding the usefulness of these strategies, Goodman et al (2003) found that 74.8% of the women who participated in the study received assistance when they called the police and the women reported that this strategy was more beneficial to them. On the contrary, Riddell et al (2009) indicated that this strategy is not feasible and women don’t tend to use it. The women who participated in the study stated that when they called the police for help, they blamed them and advised them not to file a complaint again to ensure the stability of the family. The reason behind this is the nature of the social relations in the rural communities, social solidarity, and coherence. Formal relations do not prevail even at the level of governmental institutions and others, or a member of the police may be a relative of the husband, so he advised the wife to withdraw her complaint to save the family stability. Women in rural society are not inclined to talk about their experience of exposure to violence. Hacettepe University, İnstitute of Population Studies (2015) found that there are verities between rural and urban areas in terms of sharing the experience of violence with others or seeking help, as it found that women in the countryside spoke less about violence compared to women in urban areas. 44% of women who had experienced violence from their husbands did not speak about it to others, compared with 55% of women in rural areas who did not report violence. Through the classification developed by Goodman et al. (2003), there is evidence that women exposed to violence, first try to find solutions within their environment without seeking assistance from outside, but when the violence intensifies, women seek help from outside, and always use the informal network of relationships. For example, Hacettepe University İnstitute of Population studies (2015), found that women do not seek help from outside, especially official institutions until they have exhausted all opportunities of patience and tolerance towards violence.” One of the women who participated in the study is a 56-year-old woman who recently divorced her husband, she explained that she sought help from the Women's Aid Center in the municipality 20 after 35 years during which she was subjected to constant psychological and physical violence "(Hacettepe University, İnstitute of Population Studies, 2015, p. 204). Seeking help from outside leads to an increase in violence and extension of violence to children. Women who do not seek help from official institutions often turn to their families for help, especially mothers, to seek help. Some women use completely different strategies than the ones mentioned, which are strategies related to hope for change in the future. Tonsing and Tonsing (2019) found that the hope of change that might take place in the future was the only hope for women who are subjected to violence. This change may happen in the future by providing a good education for their children to build a different and better future. Some women tend to use coping strategies with violence by perceiving it as their destiny and therefore it is inevitable. According to the World Health Organization (2005), 55% to 95% of women who were subjected to physical violence by their partners did not seek help from official services or individuals in a position of authority such as local leaders in the village. Many barriers prevent women from obtaining help from formal or informal sources. Among these barriers is that man controls woman and she cannot even go out of the house or meet with friends or family. Violent men often keep women isolated from potential sources of help. Women who are subjected to violence by their husbands often tend to hide their experience of violence and avoid seeking medical help fearing escalation of violence against them or fearing of man’s ability to use his relations against her or her children. In most of the countries where the domestic violence studies were conducted, the research interview seemed to be the first time that women speak about their experiences with violence from their partners. Also, one of the factors is the limited availability of these services in some countries. There are other issues related to the woman herself, which include: the cost of accessing these services even if they exist, the woman’s lack of awareness of the whereabouts of those services, the woman’s uncertainty about getting help, the frequency of responses such as “No one will believe me”, “They will not be able to help me,” feelings self-blame, fear of stigma and social attitudes from service providers or their families. However, the studies made it clear that women were not passive, as they adopted a set of strategies to combat violence such as: 21 leaving their home for one or more nights, separating from their partner, retaliation, and trying to get help. 19% to 51% of women who have been physically abused by their partners have left at least one night, and women who have left the home usually stay with relatives and, to a lesser extent, with friends or neighbors. These patterns of seeking help appear to be strongly influenced by the intensity of violence women have been subjected to. Women who experienced severe physical violence were more likely to try to get help or talk to someone than women who experienced moderate physical violence (WHO, 2005, p. 86). Hacettepe University, İnstitute of population studies (2015) highlighted that women in Turkey who have been subjected to physical or sexual violence by their husbands or men who live with them have developed many methods to confront this violence, such as: fighting back physically, talking about violence with relatives or others, leaving home for at least one night, and seeking help from government institutions (such as courts, police) and civil society organizations. Usta et al (2016), showed that the Syrian refugee women who live in Lebanon do nothing to confront violence, and most of the women tried to accept their status and justify the violence directed at them by their husbands as a direct result of the tension and anxiety they live, due to the harsh conditions of war and asylum. In other words, women remain silent and do not talk about violence and most of them stated that they prefer to remain silent rather than talk about it. 2.4. PREVALENCE OF VIOLENCE BY AN INTIMATE PARTNER Since violence by an intimate partner is one of the most important social problems that a woman faces in her life and has an effect on the health and social aspects of women, it is necessary to know the prevalence rates of this phenomenon to evaluate it and find appropriate solutions. From the data of 48 population-based social surveys all over the world, it was found that between 15% and 69% of women reported experiencing assault by their intimate partners with beating or physical harm. 3% or less of women in Australia, Canada, and the United States had experienced violence from their partners during the 12 months preceding the study, 38% of newly married women in the Republic of Korea and 52% of Palestinian 22 women in the West Bank and Gaza Strip reported experiencing violence from their partners. For many of these women, physical violence was not isolated from other forms of violence, but rather represents part of a continuous pattern of abusive behavior against them (WHO, 2002). According to the studies reviewed by the researcher, the prevalence rates of violence by an intimate partner are as follows; In a World Health Organization study (2005) data were collected from 2,400 women from 10 different countries around the world. According to the results of the study, the percentage of women who have been subjected to physical or sexual violence or both by an intimate partner ranges between 15% and 71% in most countries. Sexual violence is usually accompanied by physical violence. Despite this, women in some countries reported that they only experienced sexual violence. The study also found that partners who practice physical or sexual violence on their wives always tend to have controlling behavior over their wives. A report by the World Health Organization, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, and South African Medical Research Council (2013) on the prevalence of two forms of violence against women: “intimate partner violence” and “non-partner sexual violence”. For the first time, this report presented cumulative, regional, and global rates of the prevalence of these two types of violence. Estimates were taken from population databases from all over the world. In addition to the prevalence rates of violence, the report includes knowledge of the effects that violence has on a woman’s psychological, physical, and reproductive health. The results of the report were as follows: More than 35% of women in the world have been exposed to physical or sexual violence from an intimate partner or violence by non-partners. Although women are exposed to other forms of violence, this percentage is considered a high percentage compared to other forms. Most of the violence comes from an intimate partner. In various parts of the world, 30% of women who were or are still in an intimate relationship suffered from physical violence with or without sexual violence from that intimate partner. Globally, 7% of women have experienced sexual violence by persons other than an intimate partner. And women who succumb to this type of violence are 2.3 times more likely to be addicted to alcohol, and 2.6 times more 23 likely to have depression and anxiety. Globally, 38% of women’s murders are committed by an intimate partner. If we look at the prevalence of violence by an intimate partner in the Middle East and North Africa region, the available data on marital violence show that 35.4% of married women in the Middle East and North Africa have been subjected to physical or sexual violence from their husband at some stage of their life. Statistics in Egypt indicate that about 46% of married and previously married women between the ages of 18 and 64 have been exposed to some form of intimate partner violence, 43% of them have experienced emotional violence, 32% of physical violence, and 12% have experienced sexual violence (ESCWA, 2017). Al-Modallal et al (2014) study were conducted to find out the prevalence of intimate partner violence among refugee women who live in Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan. The study sample consisted of 300 women who visited health care centers in the Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan. The study sample included married women, divorced women, engaged women, and single women. The study aimed to assess the prevalence of violence by an intimate partner among these women and to determine the demographic factors that protect or expose women to the risk of abuse by an intimate partner. The study focused on five types of violence which are the following: psychological violence and control behavior, economic violence, emotional violence, physical violence, and sexual violence. 78% of the women participating in the study had experienced at least one form of violence from their partner. 73.7% of women experienced at least one of the controlling behaviors and this form of violence was the most common among women. 53% experienced economic violence and 50.3% experienced emotional violence. The percentages for physical violence were 22.7% and sexual violence at 16.7%. The rate of sexual violence appears much less than the rest of the forms, and this might be because of the sensitivity of the topic and women do not easily talk about their experience with sexual violence. This is due to the nature of society, which makes it imperative for women to keep sexual issues, and other issues related to the privacy of the family and husband’s secrets, thus making it impossible to disclose them. The study recommended that efforts should be intensified to change the attitudes of both men 24 and women towards violence by an intimate partner. Because the attitudes of men and women are among the most important factors that contribute to the high rates of violence. The study showed that socio-economic conditions, family traditions, and personal beliefs of women who reside in refugee camps make them more vulnerable. Therefore, state efforts including United Nations partners, non-governmental organizations, civil society organizations, and media efforts to increase public awareness and address the needs of this group are of utmost importance to the society as a whole while at the same time protecting the privacy of those women. The study of Hacettepe University, İnstitute of Population Studies (2015) aimed to know the prevalence rates of forms of violence against women and to know the effect of laws that were applied to combat violence after the study conducted in 2008 on stopping violence. The study was conducted with women between 15-59 years old. Research interviews were conducted with 7,462 women in 12 rural and urban areas in Turkey. The results of the study were as follows: 36% of women in Turkey, meaning that among every 10 women, there are 4 who have experienced physical violence from their husbands or by men who live with them in the same house. 12% of women have experienced sexual violence from their husbands. As for sexual or physical violence, or both, the study found that 38% of married women in Turkey have been subjected to sexual or physical violence throughout their life. 44% of women reported experiencing at least one of the psychological violence behaviors, which were insults, verbal abuse, belittling, threatening or intimidation, and threatening to harm a close relative of the woman. As for economic violence, which included behaviors such as: preventing women from working, causing them to quit work, and not giving them the right to dispose of household financial affairs, the study found that 30% of women in Turkey have experienced at least one of these behaviors. The study of Kapiga et al (2017) was conducted to find out the prevalence of psychological, physical, sexual, and economic violence during the past 12 months among women who have a permanent partner. Data were collected from 1049 women in Mwanza, Tanzania. 61% of the women participating in the study reported experiencing physical and/or sexual violence from an intimate partner, 27% reported 25 experiencing it during the past 12 months, and 39% reported experiencing emotional abuse. Psychological abuse and control over women were the most common among women, with 82% of women reporting experiencing it at least once during their lives and 63% experiencing control during the past 12 months. As for economic violence, 39% of women reported experiencing economic abuse. The study also found that there is a disparity in the prevalence of violence by an intimate partner according to social and demographic characteristics, as the rates of violence are higher among women who are younger and less educated. Violence by an intimate partner is also associated with deteriorating mental and psychological health, for women who have reported exposure to physical or sexual violence are more likely to have a deterioration in mental health. The study of Mahfuza İslam et al (2014) found the same conclusions regarding the association of violence with demographic characteristics, that the older women are less likely to experience intimate partner violence than younger women. The general assumption is that; as a woman ages, her role as a mother becomes more prominent than her role as a wife, and she attains a certain position at the family and community level, which reduces the potential for violence against her (Kishor, 2004). The study also found that women who got married at an age less than 18 years were more likely to be subjected to violence by an intimate partner compared to those who married after the age of 18 in Bangladesh. This is because, in developing countries around the world, girls who marry in their teens have a lower educational level, lower social status in their husbands' families, and suffer from higher rates of domestic violence (Johnston, 2008). The study of Gebeyehu and Tadesse Cherie's (2020) was conducted to evaluate the prevalence of intimate partner violence against women and its associated factors in Ethiopia. The data was obtained from the 2016 Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey. More than 30% of women reported exposure to intimate partner violence. 74% of women who were subjected to violence live in rural areas with a low educational level. If we look at the prevalence of violence by an intimate partner, we will find that violence increased with the onset of the Syrian crisis, and many people were forced 26 to leave their homes and seek refuge in other countries. Numerous studies suggest that the cause of the increase in violence is the change of power relations between spouses during the periods of migration (Freedman, 2016). It is also believed that violence practiced in public places against men and women exacerbates the problem of spousal violence. High rates of poverty and the accumulation of social burdens, accompanied by feelings of fear and insecurity, are all factors that increase rates of intimate partner violence (ESCWA, 2017). A survey of Iraqi refugees in Syria indicated a possible relationship between financial difficulties and intimate partner violence as well. War also increases the tension in the relationship between spouses by changing gender roles and power dynamics (Usta et al, 2016). A study conducted by the United Nations in 2010 showed that before the war and migration, one in four Syrian women were exposed to gender-based violence by their husbands (Cankurtaran and Albayrak, 2019). The study of Cankurtaran and Albayrak (2019) was conducted to know the experiences of Syrian women; this includes both living in Syria as a woman before and after the war, during the period of immigration to another country, and their experience of living as women in the country of asylum. Regarding violence by an intimate partner, to which women have been exposed in Turkey, the women explained during the interviews that they had been subjected to physical, psychological, sexual, and economic violence during the period of their marriage. Besides being exposed to violence from their husbands, women reported that they had been subjected to violence by their mothers-in-law. It appears in the form of psychological violence in the constant attempt of the husband's mother to place her son’s wife under her control to impose control and domination. The study also found another form of psychological violence that a woman is subjected to from her husband, which is her constant fear of her husband's marriage to a second woman and her fear of facing his threats to divorce her. Women explained that the rates of second marriage among Syrians did not change, even after coming to Turkey. In the case of the second marriage, by the husband, the women have two options: either she accepts the new wife or gets divorced. But women always choose to accept the situation to ensure living with their children. Another form of violence is forcing a woman to have more children, thus preventing her from using contraceptives, and if 27 she uses them or causes a miscarriage, it may be a reason for her divorce. If the woman refuses to have more children, this will result in another marriage by the husband. Despite the violence that women are subjected to, women are not inclined to talk about their experience of violence with anyone or to seek help. According to the women’s testimonies, they tend to hide and not talk about violence with those around them because of the "doctrine of privacy" and this, according to the study, is the reason for the persistence of violence against women in Syria. The study found that women's limited language skills, in Turkish, pose a barrier to seeking help when exposed to violence. The study of Al-Natour et al (2018) also aimed to describe the life experiences of Syrian refugee women with spousal violence during the war in Syria. A sample of 16 Syrian refugees (married or divorced) was selected. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with them in one of the medical clinics in the refugees’ camps in Jordan. The results of the study focused on four main topics as follows: 1. Loss, insecurity, and suffering: the women explained that as a result of the war, they lost everything they owned (their homes, cars, etc.), and even their neighbors, relatives, and some women talked about losing their families. And when they decided to flee the war, the experience of marriage was not good for them, as they were subjected to physical and sexual abuse, including rape, and when they reached the refugee camps in Jordan, they found the conditions very harsh there. Besides losing their families and leaving their homes, they suffered difficult economic conditions and poverty. Along with all this, women explained that their greatest suffering was in their exposure to verbal, physical, and sexual violence from their husbands. This caused changes in their relationships with their husbands and sons, thus they began to live in isolation, far from family and relatives. Their husbands increasingly controlled them, compared to when they were in Syria. According to the testimony of some of the women participating in the study, their husbands told them phrases such as; "You cannot visit your sister all the time”. The women explained the changes in the behavior of their husbands, who became nervous and violent all the time. 28 2. Shame and humiliation: the women described their feelings of violence as a consequence of shame, humiliation, and helplessness. The women made it clear that they stood helpless and faced this violence only with silence. Women described feelings of emotional devastation when their husbands scream in their faces and when they are physically abused while their children are there. One of the women wished to die because of the humiliation, insult, and beating of her husband. 3. Justifying and enduring marital violence: the women participating in the study stated that they did not want to leave their husbands or ask for a divorce from them and chose to endure violence and continue the relationship with the husband. The justifications for tolerance were divided into three: the need for social support in the refugee community, the constant hope that her husband would return to the kind person he was before the war, and for the sake of the children. Some women emphasized that even if the violence increased, they would not leave their husbands 4. Ways of coping with martial violence: women reported using different strategies to cope with the violence they were constantly experiencing from their husbands. Among these strategies include; the attempt to calm the husband and do everything he is asking for, avoid unnecessary arguments when discussing a topic, remain silent, read, fast, recite the Qur’an, and pray. Women have made it clear that the use of such strategies contributed to the reduction of violence. They used other strategies in the forms of self-abuse or directing self-harm, such as hitting their head against the wall and screaming, some women may try to defuse feelings of anger from violence by beating their children, and some other women spoke of violence with family and friends, but due to the negative re-action they have received they decided not to talk about violence to anyone and to be patient. Through the above-mentioned figures on the prevalence of violence by an intimate partner, we can understand that domestic violence is one of the biggest social problems today, whether in terms of its prevalence or its health and social consequences for women. Thus, understanding the intergenerational transmission of violence and aggression is very important to break the cycle that led to this major social problem. 29 2.5. INTERGENERATIONAL TRANSMISSION OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE Children who witness violence directed by their father towards their mother create a stereotype about violence, and they keep this image until they grow up and marry, and they become abusive husbands to their wives. For example, Hamilton (1989) explained that children who watch their mother's experience violence are expected to become perpetrators of violence against their wives in the future. In the same direction, the study of Ehrensaft et al, (2003) concluded that children who witnessed violence in the family between their parents were more likely to become abusive partners when they grow up. Due to the theoretical importance of intergenerational transmission of violence in understanding and explaining the causes of violence, it has received great attention among studies that have been interested in investigating children's aggression. These studies highlighted violence as a socially learned behavior. Among the most important theoretical trends used in explaining the intergenerational transmission of violence is the social learning theory of Bandura (1971). According to the social learning theory, most individual behavior patterns are acquired through observing and simulating the behavior of others. The theory assumes that people learn violence in the same way that they learn other patterns of behavior. This learning process begins with the family, either through witnessing violence between parents, or some parents encouraging their children to behave violently with others in some situations and requesting them not to be victims of violence. Thus, the child sees that the only way for his father to solve his problems with his wife or neighbors is through violence, so they imitate that, and continue to imitate him in solving all problems in life. And when they grow up and get married, they use violence as the only solution to a problem with their wives. Within the framework of the investigation into the intergenerational transmission of violence, we find many studies that have focused on the relationship between children witnessing violence and the likelihood that they will practice violence in their intimate relationships in the future. These studies include: 30 Black et al (2013) study examined the effect of witnessing violence between parents at home, in early teens on exposure to psychological and physical violence in their intimate relationships. The study was conducted on a sample of 223 male and female students of different ethnicities at the University of California. The study assumed that witnessing violence between parents, during childhood, is related to experiences of violence by an intimate partner during adolescence or the onset of adulthood. The study also aimed to find out the effects of witnessing violence between parents on them. The study found that 58.3% of the respondents witnessed psychological violence between their parents, and 69.7% of those who witnessed violence between their parents suffered from psychological violence by an intimate partner. 17.5% witnessed physical violence between their parents and 27 suffered from physical violence in an intimate relationship. These numbers indicate the relationship between witnessing violence in the home during childhood and exposure to it in old age. The results of Black et al (2013) study, are similar to Kalmmus (1984) regarding the characteristics of violence and the intergenerational transmission where the study supported the idea that the family is the main social institution for raising children, and that witnessing violence between parents is likely to play a role in the use and reception of violence in intimate relationships arising between adults. Another study that came out with the same conclusion is the study of Matud, and Abella (2003), which was conducted with 187 abused women living in the Canary Islands. The results of the study indicated that there is a relationship between growing up in a family surrounded by marital violence, and engaging in a violent marital relationship. Males and females are affected differently by their experiences of childhood violence. Men who experienced abuse in their childhood and witnessed parental violence commit more severe spousal violence than those males who only witnessed domestic violence or those without a history of domestic violence. Women who witnessed domestic violence and were victims of childhood abuse are more likely to have depressive symptoms compared to those without a history of domestic violence. 31 Mahfuza Islam et al (2014) study in Bangladesh and collected data from the Demographic and Health Survey in Bangladesh in 2007. The results of the study found that there is a relationship between inter-parental physical violence and violence by an intimate partner. A quarter of women in Bangladesh had the experience of witnessing physical violence between parents and suffered from violence by an intimate partner. And these women who witnessed physical violence between their parents are more exposed to moderate and severe physical and sexual violence by an intimate partner compared with women who did not witness physical violence between parents. The study of Sandra et al (2000) indicated the possibility of the relationship between exposure to violence in childhood and being a victim of abuse during marriage. Parents are the primary ones responsible for the socialization process of children. Thus, families in which domestic violence is prevalent are primarily responsible for the violence that their future sons may practice against their wives because children form stereotypes. In addition to that, cultural and social factors help in the emergence of violence. An example of this is the culture of the patriarchal society where male children are supported from childhood and motivated to succeed and possess the sources of strength. As for the females, they have low expectations from society for educational attainment and economic success, and they are taught tolerance of inequality. 2.6. UNDERSTANDING INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE PATRIARCHAL SYSTEM The patriarchy is a concept that has two components: a structure in which men have more power and privileges, and an ideology that legitimizes this concept. Some theorists have also explained that the concept of patriarchy can be further divided into two forms: the "social" and "family" patriarchy (Tonsing and Tonsing, 2019, p. 162) were the first refers to the domination of men over society as a whole, while the second refers to the domination within the family. If a man violates his wife, whether by beating, insulting, belittling, or in any form of violence, then this is considered interpersonal violence, but when a third of women in the world are exposed to 32 violence by their intimate partner, this is considered structural violence deeply rooted in the culture of the society in which these women live. To understand the phenomenon of violence by an intimate partner, it is necessary to look at it in a structural framework and to understand the nature of a society whose culture allows the promotion of violence. This society is a patriarchal society in which the man plays the role of dominant and the woman role of his subordinate, and in this society which the stereotypical roles of women and men are predetermined and based on these roles the position of women in society is determined. Women in these societies are always in the second class and take secondary roles in society. As for the man, he is the owner of the power and authority in this society, which allows him to practice violence against women. In patriarchal societies, one of the basic duties of a woman at home is to take care of household affairs such as cleaning, washing, cooking, caring for children, and showing obedience and respect to her husband, so if the husband feels that the woman fails in one of these aspects or not obeying him, his reaction is physical violence. A woman who is exposed to physical violence as a result of her failure to fulfill her duties at home thinks that she deserves this violence (Haj- Yahia,1993). An example of this is given by the Hacettepe University İnstitute of Population Studies (2018) the results of this study found that 9% of the women participating in the study believe that women deserve physical violence in the following cases: lack of obedience to the husband, insufficient attention to children or housework, response to the husband’s protests, going out without the husband’s permission, asking the man if he has any relationship with other women, and refusing to have sexual intercourse with the husband. The same results applied to 7% of the Syrian women participating in the study who believed that a man has the right to beat his wife in the cases mentioned above (İnstitute of Population Studies, 2018). World Health Organization (2005) found the same results; women believe that they deserve physical violence in situations such as neglecting housework, refusing to have sex, disobedience to the husband, and betrayal. 68% of the women who participated in the study indicated that women deserve violence by husbands in the cases mentioned above. In the same line, in Zimbabwe, the results of the national survey of women of childbearing age in the age group 15-59 showed that 53% of participating women justify husbands 33 beating their wives if the children were neglected, had a quarrel with their husbands, went out without his permission, refused to have sex with their husband (Hindin, 2003). Sometimes beating a wife for the sake of discipline or chastity is culturally and religiously perceived as just, because the wife is considered the property of the man and he has the right to act with her as he wants (World Health Organization, 2002: 95). There are eight main dimensions indicated by Haj-Yahia (2005) that must be taken into account to explain how the structure of a male society generates violence against women within marriage and how this society hinders the provision of assistance to battered women. These dimensions are as follows: 1. Protecting man’s authority 2. Compulsive masculinity 3. Discrimination against women and economic restrictions on them 4. Women bear the burden of raising children 5. The negative attitude towards divorce 6. Traditional beliefs about the roles of women as wives and mothers 7. A woman’s negative self-image 8. Patriarchal orientation in the legal and health care systems If we look at these dimensions in detail, we find that the male society prevailing beliefs that; men are superior and have the capabilities to innovate. Therefore makes men are always in higher social positions than women and thus these positions allow them to control society. Therefore, we find all the sub-systems in this society working to protect their power and control. Accordingly, issues of domestic violence in these societies are neglected, which is why we find that the women’s support services are very weak and almost completely non-existent in some countries. Patriarchy is preserved and productive through social upbringing. Through it, the 34 idea is established that the man is the one who controls the family or is the head of the family and everyone must follow and obey him (Haj-Yahia, 2005). Socialization of boys from an early age intends to consolidate the idea of a man who is supposed to be strong and courageous and that he has the first place in the house compared to his sisters. A natural result of this is that children begin to develop feelings of hostility and humiliation for women and girls from an early age, which results when they grow up and get married. They impose their power and control over their wives through violence. İf we look at the condition of women in the patriarchal society we find that women have become economically dependent on the man and look at him as the only provider for the woman and without him, she may not be able to live, so she is forced to endure violence from her husband and continue this violent relationship because she believes that her children are in need of the father support. Likewise, her role as a mother requires her to sacrifice for the sake of her children living in the family atmosphere. Also, the perception of a divorced woman in those societies is a disgrace to her and insulting to her family. All of these make women in a position to accept violence or perceive it as normal. Tonsing and Tonsing (2019) study, found that the effect of the patriarchal system on violenc